For instance, “whether” people should/can knell during the national anthem.
It’s a set up.
The issue has been effectively framed as either you support US troops and veterans, or you support racial justice.
What about if you support both? Not possible in this false dichotomy. So we can’t engage on its terms. We have to name the set up and call in everyone who stands (and kneels) for justice and service to imagine beyond this dichotomy, which is false, unnecessary and mortally unfair. Because this isn’t just philosophical: our support matters in the lives of troops and people of color – and if you’re neither, yours too.
Another set up? Roe v Wade versus the end of the right to choose. It hadn’t occurred to me until I read Joan William’s NY Times Opinion: “The Case for accepting defeat on Roe“:
In “Unpregnant,” the HBO bildungsroman released this month, the plot revolves around a 17-year-old heroine who travels from Missouri to Albuquerque — a road trip of 1,000 miles — because that’s the nearest place she can get an abortion without parental consent. Watching it made me recall a conversation with a feminist friend, who shocked the hell out of me last year by saying that progressives were too focused on protecting Roe v. Wade.
Why? The argument is that we currently have the worst of both worlds. We’ve basically lost the abortion fight: If Roe is overturned, access to abortion will depend on where you live — but access to abortion already depends on where you live.
… The argument that the left has already lost the abortion fight reflects the fact that there’s no abortion clinic in 90 percent of American counties. This is the result of the highly successful death-by-a-thousand-cuts anti-abortion strategy, which has piled on restriction after restriction to make abortion inaccessible to as many American women as possible.
… Often forgotten is that R.B.G. herself had decided that Roe was a mistake. In 1992, she gave a lecture musing that the country might be better off if the Supreme Court had written a narrower decision and opened up a “dialogue” with state legislatures, which were trending “toward liberalization of abortion statutes” (to quote the Roe court). Roe “halted a political process that was moving in a reform direction and thereby, I believe, prolonged divisiveness and deferred stable settlement of the issue,” Justice Ginsburg argued. In the process, “a well-organized and vocal right-to-life movement rallied and succeeded, for a considerable time, in turning the legislative tide in the opposite direction.”
What Ginsburg called Roe’s “divisiveness” was instrumental in the rise of the American right, which was flailing until Phyllis Schlafly discovered the galvanizing force of opposition to abortion and the Equal Rights Amendment. Schlafly wrote the culture wars playbook that created the odd coupling of the country-club business elite with evangelicals and blue-collar whites. In exchange for business-friendly policies like tax cuts and deregulation, Republicans now allow these groups to control their agenda on religion and abortion. It’s hard to remember now but this was not inevitable: abortion was not always seen as the partisan issue it is today, nor did evangelicals uniformly oppose abortion.
One of the impacts of confusing Roe v. Wade with a guarantee of the right to choose is that “we have people voting for Trump because he’ll appoint justices who will overturn Roe.” In other words, this determination that Roe v. Wade must stand is interfering with:
- Actually ensuring that all women are able to exercise our right to choose; and
- Advancing any other issue that may be associated with a liberal or progressive agenda, in the shadow of pro-choice.
Another false dichotomy, another red herring. And whom is this costing, not just in outrage (which is exhausting) but in lifelong, consequential impacts and outcomes?
Maybe it is time that abortion access should be fought for in legislatures, not courts.